AN EXPERIMENT OF FAITH

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1
AN EXPERIMENT
OF FAITH
The Journey of the Mdewakanton
Dakota Who Settled on the
Bend in the River
Wakpaipaksan Okodakiciye
‘Bend in the River Church’
1873—2003
FIRST PRESBYTERIAN CHURCH
2.
ITANCAN TAWOCEKIYE KIN
THE LORD’S PRAYER
Matthew 6:9 qa Luke 11:2
ATEUNYANPI Mahpiya ekta nake cin,
Nicaje wakandapi kte: Nitkiconze u kte.
Nitawacin maka akan econpi nunwe;
mahpiya ekta iyececa.
Anpetu kin de anpetu woyute unqu po.
Qa waunhtanipi unkicicajuju miye;
tona sicaya ecaunkiconpi
wicunkicicajujupi kin iyececa.
Qa taku wawiyutan en unkayapi sni ye:
tuka sice cin etanan eunyaku po.
Wokiconze kin he Niye nitawa,
qa wowasake kin,
qa wowitan kin owihanke wanica.
Hecetu ‘Amen.’
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AN EXPERIMENT
OF FAITH
The Journey of the Mdewakanton
Dakota Who Settled on the
Bend in the River
A Brief History of the
Organization and Construction
Of the First Presbyterian Church
Flandreau, South Dakota
In Memory of
Owancatowin and
Wicahincamaza
2003
4.
Introduction
In 2002, the small congregation of the First Presbyterian Church in
Flandreau took on the monumental task of restoring one of the most
historic churches in the state of South Dakota. The original structure,
now 130 years old, was in need of urgent expensive repairs. The congregation
was overjoyed when approached by Governor Bill Jankow to
establish a state grant to not only make the necessary repairs, but restore
it to its 1873 condition. It was the answer to cumulative years of
prayer to save the “oldest continually used church” in the state. Additional
funding was provided by the Flandreau Santee Sioux Tribe and
generous donations from individuals and organizations.
Demolition to remove an outer layer of exterior stucco started on
June 17, 2002. The work force consisted of prison inmates from the
penitentiary in Sioux Falls, through an arrangement made with the
state, a supervisor employed by a construction company, and volunteer
help from church members. Elder Fred Olson dedicated his entire summer
and fall, 103 work days, to drive the inmates from the penitentiary
to the work site. He worked tirelessly along side the inmates and, like
the other members of the church, treated them with respect and friendship
for the important work they undertook.
The Dakota men who built the church in 1873, under the supervision
of Rev. John P. Williamson, had also been prisoners following the Dakota
Conflict of 1862. How did this church get to this place along the
Big Sioux River? Why did Dakota people settle here?
The roots of Christianity among the Dakota, the beginning of the
First Presbyterian Church, go back almost 200 years to the homeland
of the Mdewakanton Dakota in Minnesota. The Dakota ‘Allied or
Friendly’ were part of the oceti sakowin ‘seven council fires’ that consisted
of the Mdewakantonwan ‘Village of the Spirit Lake,’ Wahpekute
‘Leaf Shooters,’ Wahpetonwan ‘Village in the Leaves,’ Sisitonwan
‘Village of the Fish People,’ Ihantonwan Village at the End,’ Ihanktonwanna
‘Little End Village,’ and Titonwan ‘Prairie Villages.’ The Mdewakanton,
or eastern Dakota people, were a woodland tribe that had customs
and traditions similar to the Ojibway, Menomini, Winnebago, and
other northern tribes living east of the Mississippi River to the Atlantic
Coast.
In the 1830’s, many of the Mdewakanton Dakota who eventually
formed the nucleus of the Dakota settlement at Flandreau resided in a
village under the leadership of Mahpiya Wicasta ‘Cloud Man.’ It was
near that village called Heyatatonwan ‘Village Back from the River,’ on
the shores of present day Lake Calhoun in Minneapolis, that the first
missionaries from the East started mission work among the Dakota
people. Samuel W. and Gideon H. Pond arrived in 1834 and lived in a
log cabin near the village. Like the other Mdewakanton villages along
the Minnesota and Mississippi Rivers, Cloud Man’s village consisted of
elm bark lodges occupied in summer, and tipi ha ‘hide lodges’ in winter.
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The following year, Dr. Thomas S. Williamson and Alexander Huggins
brought their families from Ohio. They received a commission from the
American Board of Foreign Missions to “proceed on an exploring tour
among the Indians of the Upper Mississippi.” Jedediah D. Stevens also
arrived with his family. In 1837, Rev. Stephen R. Riggs reached Fort
Snelling, the military post established in 1821 on a bluff overlooking the
meeting point of the Mississippi and Minnesota Rivers. This sacred
place, where the waters meet, the Dakota called mdote ‘junction of one
river with another.’
Permanent Residence, Dakota Seth Eastman, 1846-1848
A mission was soon established at Lake Harriet, adjacent to Lake
Calhoun, by Mr. Stevens. It consisted of a small boarding school of
mainly mixed-blood children of Dakota women and fur traders or soldiers
stationed at Fort Snelling. Later, mission schools were established
at Laci qui Parle, Hazelwood, Pezihutazi ‘Yellow Medicine’ Traverse
des Sioux, Red Wing, and at Little Crow’s village of Kapoza ‘Those
who Travel Light.’ In 1859, John P. Williamson, a son of Dr. Thomas
Williamson, was licensed to preach in Ohio. He returned that same
year to establish a station at the Lower Sioux Agency. The reservations
for the upper and lower Dakota bands were formed along the Minnesota
River, when the Dakota signed away most of their land in 1851.
In the beginning, the mission schools were composed mainly of girls
and women. Some boys and men eventually took part, but never a
large number. Many were ridiculed for adopting the white man’s way.
Their education consisted of learning to read and write in Dakota and
religious instruction. In order for the missionaries to “reach” the Dakota,
it was necessary for them to learn and understand their language.
Words were first written down in lists, then a dictionary was developed.
Translations of the Bible, hymns, and school books soon followed.
By 1862, life on the Lower and Upper Sioux Reservations was becoming
increasingly difficult for the Dakota people. They were now residing
on a 10 mile strip of land, 150 miles long, on the south side of the
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Minnesota River. Their vast holdings of land in Minnesota had been
ceded to the government, and they were forced to hunt and trap within
the 10 mile boundary. The treaties provided for annuity payments to
the Dakota that they became more and more dependent upon, with the
shortage of game for food. And the traders were reluctant to give more
credits, or payment of supplies and provisions in advance, when there
was a lack of fur bearing animals.
The government encouraged the Dakota to change by taking up
farming on a larger scale than their small patches of corn. They attempted
to get them to abandon the community plantings and establish
individual farms. In the plan, their mixed-blood relatives were hired by
the government to teach them how to plow and maintain larger crops.
Unfortunately, in 1861, an infestation of cutworms destroyed their
plants. That winter was a time of great hunger for the Dakota people.

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In August of 1862, rumors spread that the annuity payment would
not be made. Dakota leader Taoyatedua ‘His Red Nation, also known
as Little Crow,’ received no assurances from agent Thomas J. Galbraith
that the payment would be made promptly, or that the Dakota would be
given additional credits from the traders. At a meeting with the agent to
discuss the situation, Taoyateduta said, “We have waited a long time.
The money is ours, but we cannot get it. We have no food, but here are
these stores, filled with food. We ask that you, the agent, make some
arrangement by which we can get food from the stores, or else we may
take our own way to keep ourselves from starving. When men are hungry
they help themselves.” The Dakota were noticeably angered when
the spokesman for the traders, Andrew Myrick, answered, “So far as I
am concerned, if they’re hungry, let them eat grass.”
With tensions mounting on the reservation, an incident occurred on
August 17, forty miles from the Lower Sioux Agency in Acton township,
that would forever change the world of the eastern Dakota. Four young
Dakota men, formerly of a band headed by Sakpe ‘Six,’ were returning
from hunting. Over a dare to kill a white settler, it is said, five men and
women were slain near Litchfield. When the four Dakota men returned
to the reservation that evening, a council was called among the Dakota
leaders. After discussion of the event at Litchfield, and the dire circumstances
of the Dakota people, Taoyateduta reluctantly agreed to lead
the akicita ‘soldiers’ into battle the following day.
According to plan, the akicita attacked the Lower Agency on August
18. After killing all the wasicun 'white men' that were unable to escape
across the river to Fort Ridgely, the Dakota opened the storehouses
and helped themselves, as predicted by Taoyateduta. Trader Andrew
Myrick was one of the first to be killed. His mouth was stuffed with
grass.
A force of 46 men and an interpreter, under the leadership of Capt.
John S. Marsh, left Fort Ridgely for the lower agency. They were ambushed
when they attempted to cross the Minnesota River at the ferry
crossing. Capt. Marsh drowned during the battle, and half the soldiers
were slain.
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In the first two days of the war, later known as the Dakota Conflict,
large numbers of white settlers were killed on both sides of the Minnesota
River. When the conflict reached the upper agency at Yellow
Medicine, Dakota who were close friends of the settlers and missionaries
helped them to escape. Meanwhile the agency buildings were set
on fire and the storehouses emptied. The Dakota attacked the community
of New Ulm unsuccessfully on August 19. On the 23rd they returned
in larger number, but were again held back by the residents and
their reinforcements. When the town was evacuated two days later,
most of the city had been burned to the ground.
On August 20, the Dakota akicita attacked Fort Ridgely, but after two
days of battle were unable to overtake the troops. The superior defenses
of the fort, with its cannons, forced the Dakota to abandon their
plan to destroy the army post. Smaller groups of akicita plundered
white settlements throughout southwestern Minnesota. Many men
were killed, and the women and children were held as hostages.
Henry H. Sibley, a former trader among the Dakota, was appointed
by Minnesota Governor Ramsey to lead volunteer forces. Sibley
reached Fort Ridgely with his troops by August 28. Under the command
of Joseph R. Brown, a portion of Sibley’s men were defeated in a battle
near a stream called Birch Coulee, across the Minnesota River from the
lower agency. With 13 killed and 47 wounded, it was the “heaviest military
loss” of the Dakota Conflict.
The final battle of the conflict took place at Mdecan ‘Wood Lake’ on
September 23. The Dakota akicita, under the direction of Taoyateduta,
were defeated. The number of Dakota killed in the battle was 16, and 7
of Sibley’s forces died. This defeat, along with growing opposition to
the war by the “friendly” Dakota, forced Taoyateduta and his supporters
to flee to the prairies of Dakota Territory and into Canada.
On September 27, the “friendly” Dakota released the 269 hostages
to Sibley. About 1,200 Dakota men, women, and children surrendered
at that time, with another 800 surrendering in the following weeks. After
37 days the conflict was over. Although the actual death toll may never
be known, the lives lost are estimated at 500 Americans and 60 Dakota.
Sibley appointed a five member commission to quickly try the 393
captured Dakota for “murder and other outrages” against the Americans.
When the hasty trials concluded on November 5, with as many
as 40 tried in one day, 303 were judged guilty of the charges and sentenced
to death. Starting on November 7, Lieutenant Colonel Marshall
and an adequate number of guards conducted the un-condemned and
approximately 1,700 of the captured Dakota to Fort Snelling. When the
long procession reached Henderson, community members swarmed
over the captives with “guns, knives, clubs, and stones.” One Dakota
infant died from inflicted wounds.
The 303 condemned Dakota, along with a few women and children,
were marched to a log prison near Mankato on November 9. As they
passed through the burned out city of New Ulm, residents attacked the
prisoners. Many were injured, including the guards, by the angry mob.
8.
At the request of Bishop Whipple and others who sought leniency for
the 303 condemned prisoners, President Abraham Lincoln ordered
General Pope to send a copy of the trial records for review. A military
commission recommended that the number to be executed be reduced
to 40, and the sentence for Godfrey (a mulatto married to a Dakota
woman) was commuted to ten years in prison.
On December 6, President Lincoln wrote an order to General Sibley
“to cause 39 of the Indians and half-breeds designated by name and
number to be executed on Friday, the 19th of December.” The death
sentence for Tatemani ‘Round Wind’ was later suspended. After a delay
of one week, General Sibley sent a telegram to the President on
December 27 stating, “The 38 Indians and half-breeds ordered by you
for execution were hung yesterday at Mankato, at 10 a.m.” With the
death of the 38 akicita, the Dakota Conflict came to an end. The eastern
Dakota, the Mdewakanton, Wahpekute, Sisseton, and Wahpeton,
would no longer be a unified people living on their ancestral lands.
In the spring of 1863, General Sibley’s army set out on a campaign
to “kill or capture” the remaining Dakota that fled to the west and north.
Battles were fought at Big Mound, Dead Buffalo Lake, Stony Lake, and
Whitestone Hill in present-day North Dakota. Another campaign took
place in 1864. Many Dakota crossed the border into Canada and remained.
Remnants of those families still reside there.
Most of the Dakota men held as prisoners at Mankato were converted
to Christianity. Under the influence of Rev. Thomas S. Williamson
and other missionaries, 274 were baptized. They were also taught
to read and write in the Dakota language. By March, Williamson was
carrying one to two hundred letters a week to their relatives confined at
Fort Snelling. Of the 1,601 Dakota accounted for at the Fort Snelling
detention camp in December, 130 were dead by March of measles,
other diseases, and exposure to cold. Rev. John P. Williamson, along
with Episcopal missionary Samuel D. Hinman and Father Augustin Ravoux
of the Catholic Church, baptized many hundreds of Dakota. Williamson
and Hinman continued preaching to them during their confinement.
On March 3, the 37th U. S. Congress enacted a law for the removal
of the Sisseton, Wahpeton, Mdewakanton and Wahpekute from Minnesota.

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The Dakota prisoners at Mankato, chained in pairs, boarded the
steamboat “Favorite” on April 22 to be removed from the state. They
were to be confined in army barracks at Camp McClellan, Davenport,
Iowa. Remaining families held at Fort Snelling were removed in two
groups. Steamboats also transported them down the Mississippi, but
their destination was to be up the Missouri River to an agency established
for them at Crow Creek, Dakota Territory. Shortly after the Dakota
arrived at Crow Creek in June, nearly 300 died of eating food that
was improperly stored and cooked for them, and from the lack of proper
clothing.
Taoyateduta, leader of the Dakota akicita, was shot to death on July
9
3, 1863 while picking berries near Hutchinson, Minnesota. He had returned
with his son Wowinape ‘Appearing One,’ after fleeing into Canada
in 1862. Wowinape was later captured and taken to Fort Snelling,
where he was tried and convicted. The state of Minnesota set a bounty
on Dakota scalps on July 4, 1863 of $25. It would be increased to $200
by September.
The Dakota women and children, and a few men, confined at Crow
Creek endured miserable conditions. Because the soil was poor, and
rain was scarce, they were unable to raise crops of vegetables. The
government continued to supply unfit meat and flour, which they
dumped into troughs of “fresh cottonwood logs” and attempted to cook.
The number of deaths from diseases, exposure, and malnutrition continued
to grow into the hundreds. Nourishing food was so scarce that
the Dakota men were allowed to leave the reservation to hunt buffalo.
Those imprisoned at Camp McClellan lived under similar conditions
as the women and children at Crow Creek. The men spent much of
their time learning to read and write in the Dakota language. They
wrote hundreds of letters to their families and to Stephen R. Riggs, one
of their missionaries. While under constant guard, the men swept the
entire Army campgrounds with brooms, and they hauled water and
wood for the camp. With almost all the men now baptized, religious
services were held several times during the day. Their spiritual faith in
Wakantanka “Great Spirit, Creator of all Things, God” sustained them
during this difficult time.
Nearly 120 died while they were at Davenport. In 1864, a few of the
pardoned men, along with some women and children, were released
from Davenport to join their relatives at Crow Creek. After a peace
commission visited Crow Creek in 1865, a recommendation was made
to move the Dakota to another location. An executive order was issued
on February 27 to set aside land in Knox County, Nebraska for a permanent
reservation for the Dakota at Crow Creek and Davenport.
In April, 1866, 247 Dakota men, women, and children at Davenport
boarded the steamboat “Pembina” for St. Louis. From there they were
transferred to the Dora and traveled up the Missouri River to the Santee
Sioux Reservation in Nebraska. On the way, they continued to hold
religious services and spent time reading books published by the missionaries
in the Dakota language.
The Dakota at Crow Creek were moved overland to the reservation
the end of May. With most walking the entire distance, and with a few
horses provided for the old and sick, they reached Niobrara on June 11.
The reunion of the two groups, after nearly four years of separation,
was both a time of celebration and reflection. The darkest period in the
history of the eastern Dakota people would be past. Because the pain
was so deep, generations to come would be unaware of the suffering
they endured. Those who survived chose not to speak of it to their children
and grandchildren.
An agency was first established near present-day Niobrara, Ne10.
braska. The Dakota lived in tents that were provided for them, while the
agency officials and missionaries occupied a hotel in Niobrara. In the
fall, they were moved to the mouth of Bazile Creek, where wood was
more plentiful for log houses and firewood.
In 1867, politicians in Dakota Territory proposed a plan to move the
Dakota to a reservation in eastern Dakota Territory, between the James
and Big Sioux Rivers. A delegation of Dakota traveled to Washington,
D.C. to consider the plan. An executive order was issued setting the
land aside, but it was later rescinded. In the spring, the Dakota were
moved to a site on the reservation called Breckenridge, where hardwood
timber was in ample supply. Ground was broken and crops were
planted in June, however, grasshoppers destroyed most of the growing
plants.
After a visit by the peace commission, a recommendation was made
to set up a larger reservation, “a northern Indian Territory,” for the remnants
of the eastern Dakota bands and other tribes. The Dakota were
allowed to send leaders to view part of the area selected for their recommended
reservation. They thought it was unsuitable for agriculture.
Because it was uncertain whether they would be moved again, many
Dakota chose not to plant their crops in the spring of 1868. When the
peace commission passed through the Santee Reservation in June,
they persuaded the Dakota leaders to accompany them. Along with the
western Dakota/Lakota bands, they signed the treaty of Fort Laramie.
Provisions of the treaty allowed for Indians, “if they would adopt white
customs,” to take land in severalty and begin farming. The government
would allow them to remain where they were and assist them generously
in their efforts, and a provision allowed for the allotment of lands
on the reservations for anyone desiring to farm.
In 1869, when the allotment of land to the Dakota failed to take place
quickly, and because life on the reservation was still filled with uncertainty,
about 21 families (many who were members of the Pilgrim
Church) left the reservation in March to take homesteads in Dakota Territory.
On their journey they passed by Fort Dakota, near the falls on
the Big Sioux River. They settled on unoccupied land along the river,
near an abandoned town site named after Judge Charles E. Flandrau.
On October 3, they organized a Presbyterian church in one of the log
houses built near the river. With a total membership at that time of 47,
they called their new church Wakpaipaksan ‘River Bend’ after the looping
river.
“An Experiment in Faith” is an account of the exile of the Dakota
from Minnesota, and the path they took to settle at Wakpaipaksan.
William L. Beane, Elder
Damakota ‘I am a Dakota’
Great Grandson of Rev. John Eastman
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Exile, Reflection and Change
Condemned Dakota Prisoners W. H. Childs, January 31, 1863
In ‘the moon in which the geese lay eggs’ Magakadawi or April,
1863, the month also known by the Dakota as Watopapiwi ‘the moon
when the streams are again navigable,’ the Dakota prisoners were removed
into exile. Now that the ice was no longer on the Mississippi
River, steamboat travel quickly resumed. In order to avoid further mob
action intent on harming the Dakota prisoners, the exact time of their
departure from their homeland was kept a secret. After wiiyaye
‘sundown’ on April 21, the steamboat “Favorite” returned from Fort
Ridgely and quietly docked at Mankato.
The following hanhana ‘morning,’ 16 women, 48 acquitted Dakota
men who would be “dropped off” at the Dakota detention camp at Fort
Snelling, and the 278 convicted Dakota men, chained two by two,
walked slowly from the log prison through four companies of infantry to
board the boat. The convicted men were released into the custody of
Joseph R. Brown, Indian Agent, as he called their names. Blankets
were used as litters to carry aboard three too ill to walk. Over the last
four months, 13 had died while in confinement. As word spread of their
eminent forced exodus, a noisy crowd gathered on the steamboat landing
but there was no physical violence.
It must have been a painful and anxious time for the Dakota men
when the 48 were let off at Fort Snelling. The remaining prisoners on
the boat knew their winyanpi ‘women’ and their cincapi ‘children,’ those
who had survived a winter filled with sickness, were still in the detention
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camp. They had been corresponding by writing hundreds of letters, but
they feared that avenue of communication would come to an end.
Would they ever see their loved ones again? They had no knowledge
that their families would be put on two steamboats in May, sent down to
St. Louis, then up the Missouri to a desolate location in Dakota Territory
near a stream called Kangiokute ‘where they shoot crows or Crow
Creek.’ On leaving Fort Snelling, and passing St. Paul, the Dakota prisoners
could be heard singing a hymn in the Dakota language:
Jehovah, have mercy upon me,
For thine own mercies sake;
Thy loving-kindness is very great,
Therefore place me in thy heart.
The life of the woodland Dakota who had resided in Minnesota for
hundreds of years was about to come to an abrupt end. They would no
longer be able to hunt the rivers and lakes that had been their home,
nor mourn their relatives buried on the high sacred bluffs overlooking
the Hahawakpa ‘river of the waterfalls or Mississippi’ and the Wakpaminisota
‘whitish water river or Minnesota.’ The world as they had
known it forever would be no more. Truly, it was the end-–but it was
also the beginning.
Mississippi River Steamboat “Favorite” ca. 1861
The four-day journey down the Mississippi, with periodic stops to
take on wood, would take them to the location known by the Dakota as
Witawakan ‘sacred island or Rock Island.’ It was a solemn time to reflect
on the events of the past nine months—the desperate conditions
on the reservation, the war, their baptisms in the log prison, and acceptance
of the white man’s way of praying. Although they had always
been a spiritual people, they would let go of the wakan wacipi ‘sacred or
medicine dance,’ the dog dance, and other ceremonies. The new religion
they were adopting would be the center of their lives, would give
them comfort, and would be the cement that held them together through
the hard times ahead. They also reflected on the scene they witnessed
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in Mankato on December 26. Through narrow cracks in their log prison
they had a view of their 38 friends and relatives that were hung, It affected
them deeply, and set them on a new course for change.
For most, this trip by steamboat was a first time event. They had
always navigated the rivers and lakes by birch bark canoe when they
lived further north, and later by canwata ‘log canoe.’ However this time,
floating to the south on a petawata ‘boat of fire,’ the voyage was almost
dreamlike. As they huddled together on the deck of the boat, they
reached out to Wakantanka ‘God’ to save them, praying late into the
night each day. And as the days passed, the anxiety and fear began to
lift.
Besides the sixteen women, two babies, and Joseph R. Brown, the
Dakota prisoners were accompanied by 85 men from Company C of the
7th Minnesota Volunteers, and mixed-blood Dakota interpreters, David
Faribault, Jr. and Antoine Provencalle. After their arrival at Camp
McClellan, Davenport, Iowa, within sight of the Witawakan, the women
were detailed “ten to cook rations, four to do the washing, and two assigned
to hospital duties.”
On April 27, all the Dakota passengers embarked “without trouble.”
Within thirty minutes they were transported the 2-1/2 miles from the
boat landing to their prison quarters within Camp McClellan. Located
on a bluff 100 ft. above the Mississippi, about one-quarter mile from the
river, Camp McClellan was established as a military camp on August 8,
1861. It was maintained as a military post throughout the Civil War,
with many regiments of Iowa troops mustered out of service there. The
Dakota were held within a conkaske ‘fenced enclosure’ 200 feet square
with four long barracks. The men occupied two of the poorly constructed
buildings. Without the bunks, the men ate, slept, and worshipped
on a floor covered with straw. One of the barracks housed the
women and served as hospital, and one was set aside as the guard
house. A walkway for the soldiers had been built 4 ft. from the top of
the wooden stockade that surrounded 1-1/2 acres of ground.
Rev. John P. Williamson visited the Dakota prisoners the first week
of May 1863. He wrote to Stephen R. Riggs that he spent much of his
time with them and that he was “needed more than he supposed before
he came.” He also reported that the number of sick had increased
since they departed from Mayasapa ‘black river bank or Mankato,’ and
three had died since their arrival. Within their new environment, the
prisoners continued to gather together two or three times each day for
religious meetings. John informed Stephen Riggs, “Although many appeared
very glad to see me, I felt very sad to see the great abatement
in religious feeling.”
With poor attendance at the first meetings he attended, John set up
a more efficient system for them to follow when conducting their services.
He soon had the Dakota men and women attending worship at
each building in the mornings, and joint services together in one building
at 11 a.m. and 7:00 p.m. With an increased attendance to 200 worshipers,
Rev. Williamson distributed Dakota odowan ‘hymn books’ to
14.
those who had paid for them in advance.
The Dakota men were not always occupied with reading, writing letters,
and attending worship services. As prisoners within Camp
McClellan, they were required “to perform all the drudgery that could be
invented.” With crude brooms made of hazel brush or twigs, they were
told to form a straight line and sweep the entire military grounds. All the
debris was deposited outside the camp. They gathered the canaonpi
‘wood to lay on the fire’ to be used in cooking the meals for the several
thousand soldiers, hauling the bundles up the steep river bank behind
the camp like “a pack train.” When they hauled water for the camp from
the river, they gathered tukihasan ‘mussel shells’ that they fashioned
into rings and other ornaments. The mussel shell “trinkets,” along with
small wooden bows with arrows and beaded moccasins were sold to
the soldiers and visitors. The mazaska ‘white metal or money’ was
used to purchase writing materials, hymnals, Wowapi Wakan ‘sacred
books or Bibles,’ canduhupa ‘pipes’ and candi ‘tobacco.’
Thomas S. Williamson, a doctor and wasicun wakan ‘minister’ respected
by the Dakota people, arrived in the heat of July to provide religious
instruction to the prisoners. On the 25th he wrote to W. P. Dole,
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, that the Dakota men “need religious
instruction every day.” He informed him that, when the men were at
Mankato in the beginning of the year, less than a dozen could read in
their own language. Now, about 150 “can read sufficiently” to use the
Dakota hymnal in singing. The purpose of Dr. Williamson’s letter to Mr.
Dole was to get support from the Secretary of War to allow “all loyal
ministers of the gospel and missionaries access to the Indians.” General
Roberts of Camp McClellan was not going to allow them further
access to the prisoners. The General spoke harshly of them and said,
“It was wrong to show them any kind of sympathy, even so far as to
preach the gospel to them.”
On September 11, 1863, Dr. Williamson wrote to Stephen R. Riggs
about his prohibition from giving instruction to the prisoners. On the
day of his departure, the 25th, he hoped to say farewell to the men, but
could only view them from the elevated sentry walkway. He felt the Dakota
men looked “very badly” due to their confinement and the hot
weather. Williamson informed Rev. Riggs that General Roberts would
be pleased at their condition; he would “wish them to die of sickness”
since “he cannot hang them.”
In March of 1864, Dr. Williamson had regained access to the prisoners
and continued his religious teaching. While he was there, about 15
men had become infected with smallpox but were “getting better.” One
had died of the disease. In a letter to S. R. Riggs dated March 12 from

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Davenport, Williamson asked Riggs to send thirty plain hymnals and 8
or 11 with extra binding. He reported that Stephen’s son Alfred was
there instructing them to sing. During the summer, about 90 Dakota
men, women, and children were brought down from Canada. They had
reluctantly surrendered to the U. S. troops at Pembina. On their arrival,
they were soon swept up in the new religion adopted by their relatives,
15
and were eager to learn to read and write. A school for the children
was started by the women who came with the group from Mankato.
During the three years that the Dakota remained at Davenport, the
iron chains that dug deep scars into their ankles were finally removed.
Because of their good behavior, the number of soldiers guarding them
was greatly reduced. The women and children had always been allowed
to go out of the prison at daytime, but later small groups of men
were allowed to go out to hunt deer with one soldier to watch over
them. Prisoners were also sent out to help white farmers by hoeing
their crops in the spring, and harvesting in the fall.
When the missionaries were not with them, Caskedan ’first born
male’ or Robert Hopkins led the men in worship. Since they were first
incarcerated at Mankato, Caskedan was their own religious teacher.
He was comforted with the thought that “the work that he did for his
people was the Lord’s work.” And, he played a large part as each man
accepted Christianity and “set aside” the old ways. It was not an easy
decision, but they decided they must change to live and to be with their
families again. Although they would choose to be like the white man, in
manner and custom, they knew they could not be a white man. They
would be born anew, but they would always remain Dakota.
After three years, the men prisoners, women, and children held at
Davenport were told they would be released. Sadly, 120 had died waiting
for that news. Thomas S. Williamson, his son John, Stephen R.
Riggs, and others had persevered to gain their freedom.
On April 10, 1866, the 247 that survived at Davenport were put on
the steamboat “Pembina” for a destination unknown to them. This time,
with a new understanding of the “holy writings” they had been studying,
there was a calmness to their demeanor. The crowded steamboat took
them to St. Louis, where they were transferred to another boat destined
for their new home on the Missouri River. They continued to hold worship
services, and passed the time reading the books that had been
translated into Dakota.
After a month’s travel, they arrived at a temporary agency established
for them at Niobrara, Nebraska. On June 11, those who lived
through the sickness and starvation at Crow Creek reached the agency
also. They left behind hundreds of graves that covered the hills above
Crow Creek. After four years, the two groups were finally reunited. It
was a time of extreme joy, and a time of extreme sadness. To finally
see their families brought wails of happiness, but to learn their husbands
or wives or children had died brought wails of almost unbearable
grief.
The Santee Reservation was set aside to be their new home forever.
However, with the events of the past clearly in mind, many felt they
could only know happiness again if they owned their own makoce
‘country.’
16.
Pilgrim Church Organized
It was the month of Canpasawi ‘the moon when the choke cherries
are ripe, July,’ just six weeks after the surviving women, children, and
men arrived from Crow Creek, when Dr. T. S. Williamson, S. R. Riggs,
and Rev. J. B. Renville traveled to Niobrara to assist John P. Williamson
in organization services. The ministers came to the new settlement
in Nebraska to “strengthen the things that remain,” to make plans for
missionary schools, and to continue religious instruction.
On Saturday, July 21, 1866, 157 members of the Prison Church at
Davenport and 225 from the Fort Thompson Church at Crow Creek, a
total of 382, united to form the Pilgrim Presbyterian Church, Ohnihde
Okodakiciye. The name ohnihde ‘going from place to place, pilgrimage’
was chosen to reflect the journey the Dakota members made to reach
this place. It was not only a physical journey with severe hardship,
pain, and death, but a journey of the nagi ‘soul.’
As each member stated their name for the church roll and selected a
class from a list of ten, they were glad for the reunion of their families.
And, they felt comfort in being together to “commemorate Christ’s love.”
But surely they also remembered the hundreds that were not there –
men, women, and mostly children that perished at Mankato, Fort Snelling,
Davenport, Crow Creek, and on the journeys between.
Ten of the Dakota men were selected and installed as elders; all of
them held the positions previously in prison at Davenport or at Crow
Creek: Robert Hopkins Caskedan, Reuben Tahohpiwakan, Louis Mazawakinyanna,
William O. Rogers, Jonas Wakandiena , Joseph Wicahcamaza,
Thomas Kicosmani, Benjamin Makaohomnikudan, Tatoheya,
and Elijah Mazakiyemani.
Two additional men were selected as
probationers for the Gospel ministry:
licentiates Artemas Ehnamani and
Titus Icaduze. They would act as
supply for the new church, under the
superintendence of Rev. John P.
Williamson. Both of the Dakota men
had shown they were capable as
teachers, and were honored to be
able to preach “to their own people.”
Artemas Ehnamai ‘Gallops Amongst Them’
On Sunday, July 29, 1866 a communion service was held under a
large canwapatipi ‘arbor covered with willow branches,’ like the arbors
constructed in Minnesota for meetings and ceremonies for hundreds of
17
years. Since their reunion, the Dakota gathered each day under the
arbor, morning and evening, to pray together, read the Bible, and “tell
what God had done for them.” Now, after four years of separation, it
was a time of woyuonihan ‘celebration’ – a time of renewal, but a dark
part filled with pain would remain lodged in Dakota hearts for generations
to come.
In Wasutonwi ‘the harvest moon, August,’ John P. Williamson reported
to J. M. Stone, Agent, that for the past four years, the government
did not support a school for the Dakota. He suggested that the
government establish a good school, releasing the missionaries “to
carry on their religious and moral instruction.” Williamson informed
Agent Stone that the Dakota were willing to listen, that more than half of
the men and women residing in the settlement of cloth tents attended
the Sunday services.
Dakota Delegates to
Washington, D.C., 1867
Back Row: Rev. Hinman
and Owancaduta
Front Row Left: Husasa,
Wapasa, Wakute, and
Cotankainape
For the next two years, the Dakota lived with uncertainty day by
day. The location of the Santee Agency was moved several times, and
they feared that they would be exiled to another more desolate location.
In June of 1868, a peace commission sent out from Washington
stopped at the Agency and “encouraged” Dakota leaders to accompany
them to Fort Laramie, Wapasa ‘Red Ensign,’ Wakute ‘Shooter,’ Husasa
‘Red Legs,’ Owancaduta ‘Scarlet All Over,’ Cotankainapi ‘Flute Player.’
and Tasunkamza ‘His Iron Dog.’
On their return from Fort Laramie, the leaders told their people about
the issues discussed in the treaty and that they put their mark on the
document in their behalf. They said that, if they did not get a tract of
land on a reservation established for them, any man over 18 years of
age could take a homestead on public land of 160 acres. The treaty
also stated, “Any Indian receiving a patent for land under the provisions
outlined, shall thereby and henceforth become and be a citizen of the
United States, and be entitled to all the privileges and immunities of
such citizens, and shall, at the same time, retain all his rights to benefits
accruing to Indians under this treaty.”
It had been the wish of the Dakota, for five years now, to have their
own makoce ‘country’ again. If the government would not give them
their own farm lands, or allotments, they now had an alternative.
18.
Exploration and Decisions
During the month of Wazupiwi ‘ the moon in which rice is laid up,
October,’ 1868, several Dakota families crossed the Mnisose ‘turbid or
muddy water, Missouri River’ north into Dakota Territory to hunt and
trap before waniyetu ‘winter’ began. Unknown to the Indian Agent, the
journey was also a mission of waodeomanipi ‘exploration,’ to look for
suitable agricultural land to take homesteads. Remembering the fertile
farm land unoccupied in the valley of the Wakpaipaksan ‘bend in the
river,’ they chose to go beyond the falls of the Cankasdeca ‘wood to
split, Big Sioux River.’

[mdenney]

When they reached the akicitatipi ‘fort’ on the Big Sioux they had
peaceful contact with the small garrison of soldiers stationed there.
They also met C. K. Howard, the fort sutler or akicitawopeton ‘soldier
trader.’ He was a generous man who would play a large part in their
future economy. Fort Dakota was a temporary post, established in
1865 by the government, to keep harmony on the frontier and encourage
settlement in Dakota Territory. Originally called Fort Brookings, the
cluster of ramshackle buildings was abandoned in June of 1869.
Fort Dakota Barracks Sioux Falls, Dakota Territory
In November, 1868, post commander William Olmsted wrote to Lieut.
Goodhue, “For the last six months and the present time, parties of Indians
of the Yancton[sic] and Santee [Dakota] Bands of the Sioux Tribe,
as also half breed Santees, numbering from 1 tepie [sic] to 80 & 90
tepies have passed through the district and near it at different times.”
The commander stated that the surrounding settlers were concerned
about the Indians trespassing on ceded land without a pass. He said
that he “turned back all Indians coming from Yancton [sic] or their reservations
and also any who arrive here from other parts ordering them to
move right in and not delay or enter any settlers claim.” Lieut. Goodhue
wished to know if any of the Indians of the Sioux Tribe “have the right to
be off their reservations and if so how each one or any to have pass or
permit and who to sign it?” In his letter the commander also stated that
he provided the Indians with rations if they were requested.
19
Following the winding river trail, the Dakota set up camp in northern
Minnehaha County, near land settled by the Guttorm Thompson family.
The Norwegian family arrived in Dakota Territory from Minnesota in 1868,
and lived in a dugout along the river in Dell Rapids Township. One of the
sons, Ole, visited with David Faribault, Jr., the mixed-blood Dakota fluent
in Dakota, English, and French, and another man called “Canty John.”
Ole later referred to David Faribault as “Ferbo”
Mr. Thompson was told by the men that they had “been in the Indian
rebellion of 1862.” He was also told that the “main cause of it was that
the government agents who were ordered to give the Indians what they
were promised, took a part of it themselves and deceived them in many
ways, especially when they came back from their hunting grounds to receive
what they were promised and entitled to, they were also tricked.
They received little or nothing and their wives and children were in need.
This happened many times. Therefore they blamed the white people who
came and took their land, killed their wild life and brought about their hunger
and death. They then decided to root out the white, who were the
cause of their misery. They said that if they had been treated right, there
wouldn’t have been any outbreak.”
Ole Thompson sympathized with the action the Dakota were forced to
take in 1862, “that the outbreak would not have started if they had been
treated right.” He felt “there was a lot of truth in that, especially when you
considered their position and ignorance. We came here as Christians to
proclaim to them civilization’s better rule of life, but in many ways it was
the opposite. I mean it was the government’s fault and responsibility.”
If the Thompson family had been in Minnesota during the conflict of
1862, certainly they would have reacted differently to the near proximity
of Dakota people. Ole Thompson formed a bond with the men, and had
several more talks with them.
The Dakota continued their travel up the Big Sioux River past the osmaka
‘dells’ of quartzite stone, and on to Wakpaipaksan. Upon their arrival,
they saw that the fertile bottom land was superior to the reservation
land, calling it makoce nina waste ‘very nice country.’ They observed that
deer, elk, antelope, and buffalo were plentiful for hunting. There was an
ample supple of beaver, otter, mink, and muskrat for trapping, and there
were hogan nina ota ‘great many fish’ in the river. Both sides of the river
banks were lined with groves of ash, elm, and cottonwood. An ample supply
for log homes and firewood. After the years of incarceration, and, now
the uncertainty of life on the reservation, the ipaksan ‘bend’ looked like
the “land of milk and honey” they learned about in the white man’s Bible.
In their daily prayers they gave thanks to Wakantanka ‘God’ that this location
was still unsettled, and that it had all the things they would need to
survive as free men, as citizens. Several weeks were spent hunting for
their winter’s supply of meat to supplement the meager provisions provided
by the government. Trapping along the river and streams yielded
many wawaha ‘fur pelts’ for trade.
20.
When the Dakota families returned to the Santee Reservation from
the area of Wakpaipaksan, the ice and snow had arrived - it was nina
osni ‘very cold weather.’ Those who made the trip gathered other Dakota
families together, held omniciye ‘an assembly, council,’ and told
them about Wakpaipaksan. They described it as mokoce wowinihan
‘wonderful country’ for farming, hunting, and trapping. Kangisapa
‘Black Crow,’ one of the Dakota who explored the wakpaipaksan area,
told them, “All those who wished can go there.”
Wakpaipaksan ‘Bend in the River’ 2002
“It is now winter and very cold when we return
to Santee and father held a council with the Indians
at home. And made his report of his findings at
wakpaipaksan. Told them of the wonderful country
for agriculture, hunting, and trapping. And told them
all those who wished can go there.”
Joseph Rogers, Son of Kangisapa
During the winter of 1868-1869 there was much snow, providing
bitter isolation on the prairie reservation. For approximately three
months, many Dakota families sat around their fires and discussed the
possibility of leaving the reservation to take their own makoce oicu ‘land
taken, homesteads.’ The “feeling of uncertainty” about the future of the
reservation, the delay in allotment of individual farms, and the events of
the past seven years weighed heavily in their ultimate decision.
21
The Migration Begins
In the last week of Wicatawi ‘the raccoon moon, February’ of 1869,
Kangisapa ‘black crow,’ his family and 10 to 25 other Dakota families
said farewell to relatives and friends. With much anticipation and
apprehension, they left the Santee Reservation for a new, independent
life at the wakpaipaksan ‘bend in the river.’ Without canpahmihma
‘wood-that-rolls, wagons,’ they used sungwakinihupa ‘ponies to drag
lodge poles’ piled with their canvas tents, possessions, and small
children. Since some of the families had but one horse and others had
none, the men, women, and older children walked for the duration of
their 130 mile journey.
After crossing the Minisose ‘Missouri River’ on the ice, they started
their trek into Dakota Territory at the mouth of the Waseyusapiwakpa
‘red earth or Vermilion River,’ west of present-day Vermillion, S.D.
Following the Waseyusapiwakpa, traveling close to the frozen river,
they camped within protection of the numerous trees along the banks.
In the mornings and evenings, all gathered together to softly pray and
sing hymns.
Dakota Prairie View 2002
On the fifth of Istawicazayanwi ‘sore-eye moon, March,’ after
extinguishing their peta ‘camp fires,’ the families set out across the
treeless, ice encrusted prairie for Fort Dakota on the Big Sioux. Midway
between the two rivers the lightly falling snow changed to heavy pelting
snow. The tate waziyata ‘north wind’ increased in intensity and the
temperature dropped to twenty-five below zero. The dangerous
icamnatanka ‘big storm or blizzard,’ the greatest fear of the Dakota at
this time of year, had quickly come down upon them. Some of the
22.
group hurried on to reach shelter along the river, and others “buried
themselves in snow drifts” until the icamnatanka had passed.
One of the eldest of the Dakota women, Owancatowin ‘Blue All
Over,’ weakened by age and the elements was overcome with
exhaustion. Unable to walk through the rapidly mounting drifts, and
unable to see through the blinding horizontal-blowing snow,
Owancatowin laid down four miles from the fort. With cante sica ‘sad
heart or sorrow’ her husband covered the woman with blankets and
continued on with the pony to set up their tipi near the fort. On his
return, the Dakota man located the blankets that covered his wife, but
Owancatowin “had disappeared.” When the storm subsided the
following morning, the families searched all day for the missing woman.
Finally, she was found “sitting on bare ground, with her hands to her
mouth, frozen stark and stiff.”

[mdenney]

The migrating Dakota were greatly saddened by the loss of the kunsi
‘grandmother.’ She would be sincerely missed and remembered as a
cherished part of the Dakota oyate ‘people or nation.’ The rest of the
journey would bring a flood of memories of Owancatowin, and former
life in their homeland of Minnesota before the conflict of 1862.
When the tired and somber families reached the Big Sioux River,
they camped on wita ‘an island’ above the minihinhe ‘waterfalls,’ a short
distance from Fort Dakota. Certainly, with all that had occurred in the
past few days, discussion around their campfires would have been
about the continuation of their experiment in freedom. Would
Owancatowin want them to go forward? Did they make the right
decision to leave?
Falls of the Big Sioux River
Sioux Falls, SD 2002
23
The commanding officer, Lieutenant Colonel John M. Duffy,
provided the migrating Dakota “a lot of food and other good things to
eat.” Col. Duffy later wrote in his journal of Fort Dakota’s “Record of
Events” that “nothing of interest has occurred during the month. Many
destitute Indians have passed through on the way to their reservations.
And, in some cases, have been supplied with rations, in accordance
with instructions from the Secretary of War.” They also received “a lot
of groceries” from C. K. Howard, the storekeeper. While recovering
near the fort, they heard the news that a wasicu ‘white man’ had also
lost his life in the storm.
When it was safe to travel again, the Dakota families continued on
their journey to Wakpaipaksan. On their arrival, they lived in a cluster
of tipi and dugouts until logs could be cut and small homes constructed.
Their faith had gotten them to their new home, and they were
determined to stay.
On March 11, 1869, Julia LaFramboise wrote to Stephen R. Riggs
from Santee Agency, “John [Williamson] got started the next Monday
after writing you . . . Very soon after they started, the Indians
commenced going down below looking for employment and many of
them going over to the Big Sioux. He heard of one woman freezing to
death, somewhere between Yankton and the Big Sioux. I suppose that
a good many more than half of the Indians are gone. Many of them say
they want to go to the Big Sioux so as to pick out a good piece of land.”
Rev. John P. Williamson
Missionary to the Dakota
John P. Williamson, “feeling a call to preach the gospel to the
Yankton Indians,” arrived with his family at the Yankton Agency in
March 19, 1869. He would be under the jurisdiction of the American
Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions. The ice on the Missouri
opened the next day, making travel across the river more difficult for the
rest of the year. Even though John was now at a different reservation,
he would continue to give support, both as a minister and as a friend, to
the break-away community of Dakota on the Big Sioux River.
24.
Wakpaipaksan Church Organized
On the last Tuesday of Psinhnaketuwi ‘the moon in which the Dakota
lay up rice to dry’ or September, Rev. John P. Williamson started
on oicimani ‘a journey of purpose’ from the Yankton Agency to the settlement
on the Big Sioux. Rev. Williamson would later write Governor
J. A. Burbank that the purpose of his trip was to “further their spiritual
interests.” He was accompanied by Rev. Artemas Ehnamani. The
other religious leader at Santee, Titus Icaduze, was unable to make the
trip because he did not have a sunkawakan ‘spirit-dog or horse’ and
thought he best remain with the dwindling congregation at the Pilgrim
Church. Crossing the Minisose ‘Missouri River,’ probably on one of the
ferry boats that transported travelers, they followed the opposite side of
the river almost as far as the capital of Dakota Territory at Yankton.
After spending time at Yankton in the morning, they trekked on for
about 25 miles along the Fort Dakota Military Road, a wagon cart path
that ran from the capital to the fort at Sioux Falls. They came upon a
camp of tipi topa ‘four lodges’ of Dakota also going to the Big Sioux.
Williamson and Ehnamani visited with the group and spent the night at
their camp.
The following day, they proceeded for 35 miles, passing wicowazi
nonpa ‘two families’ also headed for the Big Sioux. After spending a
restless night in the cold and rain, they reached Fort Dakota in the
morning and observed a considerable settlement of “whites.”
Continuing on along the river trail for 6 miles, they stopped to camp
when they met two former members of the Mission Church at Santee,
James Dickey and his father-in-law. The Dakota men offered to share
their meager meal and requested that they have a wodaka ‘talk or
counsel’ with them. As the smoke from the camp fire rose around
them, the ministers spoke of God’s eternal love for all people. When
they had finished their talk, the Dakota men showed their gratitude with
a taku ituhanpi ‘give away or gift’ of $4.00 for their ministry.
Akipa ‘to meet’
Dakota Log Home
Bend in the River
In the crisp autumn air on Saturday morning, Williamson and Ehnamani
quickly continued on along the river. With the dry leaves of the
cottonwood trees crunching beneath the hooves of their ponies, they
25
finally reached the ipaksan ‘bend’, about 35 miles above the minihinhe
‘waterfalls’. On their arrival, they saw “about two dozen families congregated
at the ipaksan.” Some of the families had erected log homes,
while others still lived in the canvas lodges that were issued to them at
the Santee Reservation.
As word spread among the Dakota of their appearance, many gathered
outdoors under the barren trees near the river for a sermon and a
“class meeting’ before nightfall. Two women, Emma Waskuyeca and
Elizabeth Tateojanjanwin, were received on profession of faith; and
three, Wahinkpe, Mazaiyotankewin, and Siyowahde, were received after
transferring their membership from the Episcopal Church.
The worshipers dug deep into their well-worn garments and
produced a monetary offering of $23.79, a large amount from a people
whose income was doubtful at best. This sum would form the foundation
for the new church that would continue to grow and flourish for generations
to come.
Wakpaipaksan River View 2002
On Sunday, with nearly all the Dakota settlers present, Rev. Williamson
administered The Lord’s Supper. Through eating the bread
and drinking the wine, the Dakota would “receive the sustaining presence
of Christ, remember God’s covenant promise, and pledge their
obedience anew.” Rev. Williamson later stated that “there was a good
degree of interest” in partaking of the sacraments he administered.
At a meeting on Monday, October 3, a total of opa wikcemnatopa
sanpa topa ‘47 members’ humbly united to form a holy covenant. Rev.
Williamson suggested the name Wakpaipaksan Okodakiciye ‘The
Church at the River Bend,’ and it was unanimously approved. Many
were overcome with emotion as nape tawa Wakantanka ‘God’s hands’
reached down and touched each one. Even though doubt as to their
future was ever present, cante owasin ‘all hearts’ were strong. They
were “holding on to their new faith,” meeting regularly on the Sabbath
before they were formally organized. Many remembered Owancatowin
26.
and her struggle to reach this place. Like the reunion of Dakota prisoners
and families when they all arrived at Niobrara, this day was a day of
woiyuskin ‘gladness,’ but also a day of woiyokisica ‘sadness’ at the loss
of those, like Owancatowin, who did not survive.
From the Pilgrim Church, 39 united in the formation of the new
church by stating their names for the roll. They were a people in transition,
with names part English and part Dakota: Williamson Owancamaza
Rogers and his wife Mazahowastewin, Philip Mahpiyawicasta
and his wife Hinnajinwin, Tawakanhdiota and his wife Mazatokahewin,
Matogi and his wife Hehotawin, Tunkanahnamani and his wife Pahomniwin,
Wakanhdisapa and his wife Icagowin, John Mahpiya and his wife
Wakanhdiyahewin, Mazaiheyedan and his wife Hupadutawin, Stephen
Huntkamaza and his wife Mazatiwin, Tatecanhpi and his wife
Canhdeska, Iyotangmani and his wife Tatiyopahdawin, Wasuhdiheya
and his wife Makahdgewin, Tiyohomnipi and his wife Apaksin, James
Dickey Akicitamaza and his wife Mahpiyahdinapewin, Joseph Wicahcamaza
and his wife Hdayamani, Hokagopi, Ohiyewin or Mrs.
Wahinkpe, Tiojanjanwin, Hupataninwin, Apaha, Tipiwakanwin or Mrs.
David Faribault, Mazaskaskanskanwin, Mazayusdohewin, and Makayumniwin.
The five that were received on Saturday completed the list.
Rev. Williamson discussed the issue of electing a pastor, but it was
set aside for another time when no selection was made. He advised
that they “be ready to make a choice at the first opportunity.” The new
congregation elected three elders that had formerly served at the Pilgrim
Church, Mahpiyawicasta, Owancamaza, and Wicahcamaza. They
would lead in Divine worship during the coming waniyetu ‘winter,’ until
one of the men was chosen as wicasta wakan ‘holy man or minister.’
During their stay at Wakpaipaksan, Williamson and Ehnamani visited
with the families and observed the conditions at the settlement.
Williamson described the ipaksan as a horseshoe bend of about 2
miles, with settlers “all around the bend and above and below for several
miles.” Because the Dakota that arrived in the spring and summer
had taken most of the claims along the ipaksan and timber was in short
supply, those going to the Big Sioux now plan on settling about Titankahe
‘the place of the great summer lodge’ and on the Big Sioux
near it.” The settlement near Titankahe would be 20 or 30 miles above
the ipaksan. Some were disappointed that there was adequate timber
above the ipaksan but the fertile bottom lands were prone to flooding,
and they would have to “build a mile or two” from the river. Rev. Williamson
speculated that “they may want a separate church there.” He
also noted that there were white settlers near Wakpaipaksan, and two
stores. The Dakota were industrious in their preparation for the coming
winter, but Williamson feared they would still “suffer for food.”
In a letter written from Greenwood at the end of the month, Rev. Williamson
wrote to his father that some who had settled in this new community,
former members, were not present and “others had not arrived
yet.” He predicted that within a year there would be twice as many
members.
27

[mdenney]

Early Church Growth Continues
The Dakota men, almost all members of the church at Wakpaipaksan,
traveled to the Dakota territorial capitol at Yankton to meet with the
governor and explain their desire to file for homesteads.
On the sixth day of June, 1870, 25 Dakota men signed a wayaatanin
wowapi ‘manifest paper,’ a document declaring that they “have been
members of the tribe of Santee Sioux Indians, but have voluntarily
abandoned their relations with such tribe with the determination of becoming
Citizens of the United States; and they hereby assert and declare
that they have no further share or interest of any kind in any of the
annuities, exemptions, provisions or any other benefits secured to its
members by any acts of Congress or treaty stipulations.” The documents
were witnessed and certified by John A. Burbank, 2nd Governor
of Dakota Territory. The Governor accompanied the Dakota men to the
land office at Vermillion to assist them in perfecting their titles.
On June 10, Governor Burbank wrote to E. S. Parker, Commissioner
of Indian Affairs, that 38 Dakota have settled on claims “on the Sioux
River, above Sioux Falls, in the Territory,” and “several others from the
same tribe have only awaited the recognition of the right of Indians to
take Homesteads to make preparations for leaving the tribe on following
their example.”
Shortly after the Dakota men returned from Vermillion, Dr. Thomas
S. Williamson and Rev. Artemas Ehnamni arrived at the new settlement
of Dakota homesteads in the beginning of the month of Canpasapawi
‘the moon when the choke cherries are ripe, July.’ It was the season of
high humidity, with caponka optaye ‘swarms of mosquitoes’ along the
river. Between the individual log homes with small patches of vegetables
were expanses of wild flowers, blue bent grass and weeds almost
as tall as a grown man.
On the first Sabbath of the month, July 3, 1870, under the shade of
the willow arbor, Dr. Williamson administered the Lord’s Supper to wikcemna
sakowin sanpa sakowin ‘77’ devout communicants of the Bend
in the River Church. He reported to Jonathan A. Burbank, Superintendent
of Indian Affairs, later in the month that “among the men whom I
remember to have seen on that occasion, are three whose names are
appended as Santee chiefs to the treaty of 1868.” He referred to the
Dakota settlers on the Big Sioux as a “semi-civilized Christian people.”
Dr. Williamson had worked among the Dakota for the past thirty-five
years. Of those now residing at Wakpaipaksan, he informed Mr. Burbank
that they “very generally read God’s word in their own language,
and a man may travel or reside among them with as little risk of losing
anything by theft as among any people.” Dr. Williamson requested agricultural
implements and subsistence for the Dakota settlers on the Big
Sioux until they were self-sustaining.
At the July 3rd service, Dr. Williamson and Rev. Ehnamni received
the following as members from the Pilgrim Church: Oyeicasnamani and
28.
his wife Mahpiyaiyotakewin, Cotankainape and his wife Wamduska,
Wakaniskadmani and his wife Hinziwin, Wanwakankida and his wife
Mahpiyahdinapewin, Tawahinkpeota and his wife Napewakanhdiwin,
Anpetuiyotake and his wife Oyesotawin, Unktomiska and his wife Mahpiyadutawin,
Napewamnicani and his wife Tacanhpisapa, Tunkansaiciye,
Charles Topahotonna, Fannie Mahpiyanasdohewin, Emma Mazaicicasnawin,
Manpiyaicaduzewin, Sinawakanhdiwin, Anpetuwakanwin,
Tunkanokiyewin, Hapistina, Sinatokiyewin, Wicanhpiwastewin,
Makaakaniwakewin, Piyaiyotankewin; received from the Episcopal
Church: Tasunkamaza and his wife Wakaninajinwin, Wakinyanwaste
and his wife Mahpiyahdegawin, Tateehenakewin; and received on profession
of faith: Tunkanoicagewastedan, Tacandisotewin, and Mary
Wanska, who was also bapized. The following infants were baptized:
Daniel, child of Tawakanhdiota; Nancy, child of Kinyaahiyaye; George,
child of Wakanhdisapa; and Emma, child of Makaakaniwakewin. The
following marriages were solemnized: Tasunkamaza and Wakaninajinwin;
Tacanhpisapa and Tacanhdisotawin; Tatecanhpi and Cankdeska;
Icahape and Agnes Nagiahdiyahdewin. At the same church meeting,
an election was held to select a Pastor, but a selection was not made.
Before leaving, Dr. Williamson paid a visit to the nearest white family
living near the Dakota. He asked the man if the Dakota annoyed him.
The white farmer replied, “No, for two years that we have lived here, we
have not lost a dime’s worth by them. I never had or expected to have
better neighbors.”
During the month of Psinhnaketuwi ‘ the moon when rice is laid up to
dry, September,’ Rev. John P. Williamson and Titus Icaduze, from the
Pilgrim Church, visited the growing congregation. They held meetings
for two days at the cankagatipi ‘log home’ of Owancamaza ‘Iron All
Over, Williamson O. Rogers.’ On September 17, 14 were received from
Pilgrim Church: Heinkpa and his wife Tasinatowin, Wanna and his wife
Tatenawakanwin, Paksiksan and his wife Mazayuhomniwin, Alice Ahnahiyayewin,
Oecitiduta, Mahpiyayewin, Wakankoyakewin, Tunkanhiyaywin,
Imaniwin, Tunkanimaniwin, Wasuicagewin; three were received
from the Episcopal Church: Kinyahiyaye, Winyan, Koyakewin or Mrs.
Hdayamani; and nine were received on profession of faith: Peter Tatehota,
Edgar Tacankumaza, Joseph Nonpaicage, Wakahididan, Tatewakanwin,
Mahpiyaojanjanwin, Anpetuwinohinca, Tatewastewin, and
Oyedutawin.
A special meeting was held for the election of a wicasta wakan
‘holy man, pastor.’ On the second ballot, Wicahincamaza received 57
votes and Mahpiyawicasta received 21. Their selection of Wicahincamaza
would be put before the Dakota Presbytery for approval. This
was indeed anpetu wastehinca ‘a very good day.’ The fledgling congregation
would now have a wicasta wakan, one of their own people. Wicahincamaza
(Joseph Graham) was officially installed on September
23, 1870.
29
Death of Wicahincamaza
The following article about the death of Wicahincamza ‘iron old
man’ is from the Iapi Oaye ‘Word Carrier,’ published at the Santee
Normal Training School in June of 1871. Originally written only in
Dakota, it was translated into English by Rev. Sidney Byrd in 2002.
Wicahincamaza

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“Some of you are now aware of the manner of this man’s death.
He served as a hunkayapi ‘elder’ for many years and preached to
countless numbers of men. He was finally recommended to be an
ordained wicasta wakan ‘minister,’ and then at the completion of three
additional months [of service] his name should have been reported in
the wotanin wowapi ‘newspaper.’
Wicahincamaza grew up on the Wakpa Minisota ‘whitish water
river, or Minnesota River’ among a band called Heyatatonwan
‘dwellers of a village back from a river, [Cloud Man’s village].’ He was
one of those incarcerated at Mayasapa ‘black banks or Mankato.’
Then, while in prison, he found Jesus [was converted] and was baptized
there. When elders were selected, he remained in office as long
as they stayed at Wita Wakan ‘sacred island or Rock Island, Davenport,
Iowa. When they were released, he was one of those who were
relocated to the Minitanka ‘high water, or Niobrara River.’ There the
congregation was reorganized and he was again elected as an elder.
Three years later, some Dakota expressed a desire to live as
wasicu ‘white men,’ and migrated to Wakpaipaksan ‘bend in the river.’
They acquired makoce icu ‘to take land, homesteads’ like the white
men. Iron Old Man was a member of that group.
The following summer, a congregation was organized and he was
one of three elected Elders. A year later, a wicasta wakan ‘minister’
was to be chosen and he was the one whose name was presented.
At a gathering of all the ministers, the recommendation was considered.
It was decided at their next meeting, the following summer, his
ordination would be confirmed. But Wakantanka ‘God,’ never-theless
conceiving a different plan, returned him to heaven and claimed
him as His own.
His English name was Joseph W. Graham. I do not know his exact
age, but he was a member of the young men who were kuwapi
wasakapi ‘strong followers.’ He may have been a little beyond forty
years old. When he died, men who remained on earth and depended
on him and loved him dearly were all deeply saddened. The congregation
where this man was expected to preach had been very patient,
but because they would not see him again on earth, there was nina
30.
cantesicapi ‘great sadness in their hearts.’ Also there were many different
men who knew his name. He was known as a man who was
ambitious, kind hearted, and could follow. He was thus remembered
and now there is much sadness of hearts. While with all who remain
on earth there is sorrow. I am convinced there is much rejoicing with
all the mahpiya ekta oyate ‘hosts of heaven.’ When a soul departs
from this world and returns to the dwelling of God, all the angels will
sing songs of joy and the Wowapi Wakan ‘Bible’ also confirms this. In
death, those who die in the Lord will receive His blessing.
Then a man sent me a letter and told me how he [Iron Old Man]
died. His name is John Goodteacher. This is the way he tells it.
Mihunkawanji ‘One of my relatives,’ with this letter I will tell you
something, because I am the one who knows about it all completely.
Thus, I will tell it as I know it. On the date of Friday, April 7th, Wicahincamza
‘Iron Old Man’ and Wanwakankida ‘Believes His Arrows
Sacred [Joseph Weston]’ both died from the cold [froze to death].
Very early in the morning they departed out of their homes and did
not return from their trip. Then, on the day of May 1st, we found them.
They were in terrible shape. Iron Old Man especially had nothing
covering his body. His onzeoge ‘pantaloons or trousers’ were thrown
away and he wore only his mahenunpi ska ‘white underwear.’ He
wore a piece of cloth and his footwear was totally beyond repair.
Both died horrible deaths. This is the way they perished. They were
pursuing six elk. Thus, they traveled a far distance, and there was an
icamnatanka ‘big blizzard.’ It is likely they died on Saturday, April 8,
1871, according to the calendar. They died here on this makoce
‘place or land.’
There is a military post at Red Willow Creek, perhaps also known
as Little Redstone. It is called Fort James, Dakota Territory, from
there directly east of Sioux Falls, Territory of Dakota, is where they
died. From Fort James, Territory of Dakota, about twenty miles or
less is their place of death. Thus, on this day I will now take my sons
home by myself. I have oxen and a wagon. I will return them with
reverence to the Wakpaipaksan ‘bend of the river.’ In this way, they
will rest in peace in their own land.
I am here with W. R. All Iron (W. R. Rogers) and we will transport
them to their home. Recently, two men have died and no one will be
able to view their bodies. But, we will always be able to observe the
place of their deceased bodies. We prayed to Wakantanka ‘God’ and
He had compassion, so we were able to locate the bodies in a reasonable
manner. For this reason, we sing songs of praise to Wakantanka.”
31
River Bend Meeting House
At a Dakota Presbytery church meeting held at Wakapaipaksan on
June 24, 1871, missionaries encouraged the Dakota congregation to go
forward with a tipiwakan or meeting house “if they could build nothing
better than a log church." Two days later, another meeting was held to
select a wicasta wakan ’minister.’ The church members nominated Owancamaza
and Wakaniskadmani, with Owancamaza (Williamson
Rogers) receiving the majority of votes. The call was presented to Owancamaza.
He “expressed his willingness” to accept and, after examination,
was licensed to preach as a candidate for the Ministry.
On August 1, after logs were partly cut for the church, news was
recieved that “Mr. J. W. Edwards of Marquette had contributed $500
and the Second Presbyterian Church of Springfield, Ohio $200, which
would enable them to build a frame tipiwakan and so they ceased
cutting logs." Under the guidance of their missionary and friend, Rev.
John P. Williamson, the Dakota men constructed the meeting house
with milled lumber they hauled by wagon from Windom, Minnesota.
River Bend Meeting House ca. 1916
Because more families continued to make the move from the Santee
Reservation, the River Bend Meeting House or Tipiwakan Wakpaipaksan
served the congregation only until 1873, when a larger church was
built on a hill about 1 mile northeast.
The government purchased the meeting house from the River Bend
Church in 1873, at a cost of $1,000, to be used as a day school for the
Indian children. Money was appropriated from the government to
purchase desks, books, a school bell, and supplies. The first teacher
for the day school was P. A. Vannice, followed by Marshall Vogan, Rev.

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John Eastman, and Rev. Hosea Locke.
During the time the Indians settled near the Flandrau town site,
32.
white settlers also took homesteads in the same area. With the influx
of both Indian and white settlers, the meeting house served the
community of Flandreau in many ways during the early years.
Besides its use as a government day school, classes were held for
the children of the white settlers in the same building, until their own
school was built in 1878. The meeting house served as a voting
precinct for early elections.
Non-Indian churches, Second Presbyterian, Methodist, and
Baptist, held services in the building before they constructed their
own places of worship. A portion of the meeting house also served
as temporary quarters in 1878 for Major W. H. Wasson, agent to the
Flandreau Indians, and in 1879 for Rev. John Eastman.
In the Commission of Indian Affair's annual report of 1885 it stated,
“The government property consisted of a school house, doctor's
office, and warehouse. During the year the school-house has been
repaired, painted, and made comfortable for both teacher and pupils.
The gounds have also been enclosed by a substantial fence, neatly
painted, and ornamented with shade trees." In 1888, the building
received a new roof.
The meeting house served as a day school until 1893, when the
Riggs Institute, later called Flandreau Indian School, was built approximately
1/2 mile north. In March, Rev. H. Locke, who was promoted
to principal teacher in the new Indian industrial school, transferred
his old class of students to the new quarters.
For many years the building served as a ration house
for the Indians, and as a place to leave their horses and
wagons when they came to town.
33
Church Constructed
During the middle of Wasutonwi ‘the harvest moon, August,’ John P.
Williamson traveled from the Yankton Reservation to Wakpaipaksan
with a plan. He made the journey to “stir up the Indians to do more towards
building a new church.”
Arriving on Sunday, August 17th, John was successful in encouraging
the faithful Dakota church members to allow him to purchase materials
for them to build a new, larger tipiwakan ‘house of worship.’ They
were “ambitious” to have a building large enough for all the Dakota
families that had migrated to the ipaksan. They wanted a fine building,
“common logs would not do.” The $1,000 from the sale of the meeting
house to the government for use as a day school would be used. John
was successful in getting 18 men to pledge their labor for hauling the
lumber and building supplies. The amount for their htani ‘labor’ was
estimated at $400.
David Faribault wrote to Moses N. Adams at Sisseton Agency on
August 26th that he had “just met” Mr. Williamson coming to the post
office at his trading post, and John told him he was on his way to Marshall,
Minnesota. From Marshall, John may have taken the train to Winona.
On September 1, John P. Williamson wrote to E. P. Smith, Commission
of Indian Affairs that he was in Winona, Minnesota to purchase
lumber for the new church. A former center of Dakota life on the Mississippi
River, Winona was now a prospering lumber town. Numerous
lumber companies operated large sawmills, planing mills, and millwork
shops. Because of the lack of soft wood in the immediate area, white
pine logs were transported from Wisconsin on the Chippewa River and
the St. Croix in Minnesota, then on the Mississippi to Winona.
John selected a lumber company and placed the order for a building
to be 24 feet by 50 feet. The purchase order was for large floor timbers,
wood for constructing the walls, roof, and floor, wood shingles and siding,
eight milled windows with arched tops, wainscoting and pine paneling
for walls and ceiling, kegs of square nails in several sizes, and lumber
for a bell tower that would rise high above the prairie.
When Rev. Williamson discussed the new building with the congregation,
a vote was taken where it would be built. The sacred site selected
was on the highest hill overlooking the Wakpaipaksan. It was the
cokaya ‘center’ of the new Dakota community. Their homesteads
stretched up and down the river for many miles. A fifteen acre parcel of
land was purchased for thirty dollars from members Francis and Anna
Hawley.
On his return John hired a local carpenter. P. A. Vannice, the government
school teacher, and the male church members helped with the
construction.
34.
The lumber and supplies were put on the Winona & St. Peter Railway
and transported to the end of the line at Marshall, Minnesota. In
1862, the railroad was constructed west as far as Marshall to “improve
access to the river for grain shipments.”
When the freight arrived, the Dakota men loaded the building materials
onto their ox carts at the railway station. How proud they must have
felt as the heavily laden wagon train of carts trudged in single file along
the dirt road from Marshall. They made this 80 mile trip many times
before to take grain to be milled, but this time their hearts were full.
Their anticipation for the new church probably mounted as they discussed
the building around the campfires at night. The round trip to the
village of Marshall took several days. Often they stopped to camp on
John Moore’s land east of Lake Benton. John was a mixed-blood Dakota
who was a member of the church at Wakpaipaksan.
First Presbyterian Church ca. 1906
Unlike the first meeting house that was hastily built, this building
would be a real church with high, arched windows and a rising steeple
pointing the way to Wakantanka ‘The Creator, God.’ It would be a
building they could truly be proud of – a tipiwakan they could call their
own.
A trench was dug around the perimeter and a foundation of concrete
was put down. Upon this base several rows of quartzite and field
stones were piled, with the cracks filled with mortar. The quartzite was
hauled with their ox carts from Pipestone or Dell Rapids. The Dakota
men worked along side the white carpenter, missionary, and school
teacher “with enthusiasm.”
35
Dakota Presbytery Meeting
First Presbyterian Church
Date Uncertain
The church members donated $175 for a fine bell. John Williamson
ordered the 400 pound bell from one of the foundries in Troy, New
York. Additional items added to the new church were a wood stove,
kerosene lanterns, and make shift seating of benches and chairs. The
amount of $200 would be raised later to seat the congregation in appropriate
pews.
On completion of the “neat and commodious” building, a service of
dedication was held. Their voices soared as Dakota hymns were sung
in the new building. The songs they had learned in prison and at the
dreadful place called Crow Creek now had new meaning. As the waves
of music poured over them, many wept openly. Certainly many would
have thought, “Look at what we have accomplished! Wakantanka ‘God’
has heard his children. He has brought us to this makoce ‘place,’ and
taken care of us. We are filled with wapidapi ‘gratitude.’”
Wakantanka Taku nitawa
Tankaya qa ota;
Mahpiya kin eyahnake ca,
Maka kin he duowanca,
Mniowanca sbeya wanke cin,
Hena oyakihi.
‘Many and great, O God, are thy works,
maker of earth and sky;
thy hands have set the heavens with stars;
thy fingers spread the mountains and plains.
Lo, at thy word the waters were formed;
deep seas obey they voice.’ - Dakota Hymn
36.
Afterword
In the third week of July, 2003,
a caravan of students and adults
arrived from the North Presbyterian
Church of St. Paul. It was the fourth
year they journeyed to Flandreau
with their pastor, Ellen Davis, to put
on a Vacation Bible School for community
members. When the classes
concluded at noon, the students and
adults worked on various projects to
assist local churches. One of the
projects was to put a first coat of exterior
paint on the recently restored
First Presbyterian Church.
As local church members worked along with the group from St. Paul,
some imagined when the church was painted for the first time in 1873.
The Dakota men did the painting, and the women set up a camp to prepare
their meals and provide water.
The First Presbyterian Church of Flandreau has gracefully survived
and enriched the entire community. Worship services have been held
since it was constructed, making it the “oldest continuously used church
in the state of South Dakota.”
The world around the historic church has changed vastly. However,
the digital age even exists inside the restored church with a new sound
system, Clavinova digital piano, and high efficiency furnace with air
conditioning. The parking lot that once held oxcarts and ponies is now
filled with SUV’s, vans, pickups and sports cars.
Some things have not changed since the day of that first service 130
years ago. The present congregation, descendants of the founders of
this church, along with their spouses and children, and other Native
Americans who have made Flandreau their home, still profess a strong
belief in the teachings of Jesus Christ. The Dakota hymns that were
sung 130 years ago are still sung by the congregation. The love and
compassion expressed by the founding members continues as today’s
members go out into the community and quietly do God’s work.
On the completion of the restoration of the First Presbyterian
Church, the congregation celebrated the fulfillment of a dream to preserve
an important historic structure, and they also celebrated the fulfillment
of an “experiment in faith” – a plan the first Dakota families dared
to undertake in 1869, against great odds, and succeeded.
130th Anniversary
1873—2003
37

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MILESTONES & MISCELLANEOUS
1876 John Eastman Installed
In 1875, Rev. John Eastman was licensed by Dakota Indian Presbytery.
He served the First Presbyterian Church as a stated supply until September
1876, when he was ordained and installed as pastor. The sermon
and ordaining prayer was given by John P. Williamson. Artemus
Ehnamni, Thomas S. Williamson, and W. O. Rogers also took part in
the service. There were about 150 Dakota adults at Rev. Eastman’s
ordination, all “dressed as white people.” In July of 1906, he answered
a call to serve the Goodwill Church on the Sisseton Reservation.
1877 Church Membership
The November issue of the Iapi Oaye listed the following statistics for
the church at Flandreau: admission by profession, 1; membership, 132;
baptism of infants, 12; Sunday school, 48; contributions, $161.00.
1879 Dakota YMCA Organized
A chapter of the Young Men’s Christian Association was organized at
Flandreau on Sunday, April 27, 1879 on a one year trial basis. The
young men planned to work together “to spread the gospel” and donate
funds collected toward the mission fund.
A meeting was held on January 1, 1880 to evaluate the progress of the
local organization called Koska Okodakiciye ‘young men’s association.’
It was decided to continue and the following were elected as officers:
Thomas Wakeman, Chairman; Gustavus Robertson, Vice-Chairman;
and Charles Henry, Treasurer.
By 1885, there were eleven organizations with 141 members on the
various Dakota reservations.
In 1886, Rev. John Eastman spoke at the national convention of the
YMCA in St. Paul. He stated that, at the time the young men organized
at Flandreau, “even though they did not have the YMCA constitution
and rules to go by, they would work according to the words of Jesus
and seek out the ways in which young men might benefit each other.”
1892 Church Membership
The “History of the Dakota Presbytery,” by the Committee Rev. Moses
38.
N. Adams, Rev. John P. Williamson, and Rev. John B. Renville, listed
the number of communicants at Flandreau First (Wakpaipaksan)
Church at 112.
1916 Meeting House Moved to Indian School
The March 2, 1916 issue of the Moody County Enterprise reported that
“an old land mark was removed from the city this week when the Indian
school building [meeting house] in the north part of town was removed
to the southeast corner of the Indian School grounds.” It was to be
used again as a school for about 35 local Indian children, to “relieve the
crowded school room and provide facilities for children below the fourth
grade.”
1917 Death of Rev. John P. Williamson
A life-long friend of the Dakota people, Rev. John P. Williamson died at
his residence in Greenwood, S. D. on the Yankton Reservation. The
Moody County Enterprise of October 17 reported, “Rev. Williamson was
a great worker among the Sioux Indians, being a missionary of the
Presbyterian Church. He compiled an English-Dakota dictionary which
has been recognized as a work of great merit and considered a standard
publication.”
Rev. John Eastman spoke affectionately of his mentor at the funeral
service. He said, “Whatever I am at this time, I owe to him, and I think
of him as my father. Whatever I have wanted to know, I have asked of
him, and he has told me. Whom shall I inquire of now? He, more than
any one else had compassion on the Dakota people. He went with
them in the early days, carrying his pack as they did theirs, oftentimes
hungry and thirsty and tired, but he remained with them because he
wanted to tell them the Good News.”
The funeral was held at the Presbyterian Church in Greenwood, under
a large tent set up to accommodate the many Dakota people who came
from several states.
1966 Church Designated “Oldest Continuously Used”
On September 22, 1965 Rev. Solomon G. Gruneich wrote to Will Robinson,
Secretary of the South Dakota Historical Society, that he read an
article in the Argus Leader indicating Mr. Robinson’s interest “in attempting
to establish the oldest church edifice, now in use, in South
Dakota.” Rev. Gruneich listed several sources that stated the First
Presbyterian Church of Flandreau was the oldest continuously used
church in South Dakota. He also stated that some believe the Ascen39
sion Church southwest of Sisseton was older by a few months, but has
not been in continuous use.
Will Robinson wrote to Rev. Gruneich on September 23 that “he
thought of the Flandreau Indian Church as possibly the oldest used
standing church in the State,” but he had no record of the date the
church was actually erected. He requested that Rev. Gruneich locate
the date from church records.
Rev. Gruneich responded to Will Robinson on February 1, 1966 that
“Mr. Keith Wakeman, Clerk of Session of First Church, called me today
and informed me that he found a statement in the Word Carrier, published
at Niobrara, Nebraska by Rev. John P. Williamson and Dr.
Stephen R. Riggs, that the Indian church building at Flandreau has now
been completed and will be dedicated the first week in October, 1873.”
Rev. Gruneich informed Mr. Robinson that “the Flandreau Indian
Church has been in continuous use ever since its construction. The
congregation was organized on October 3, 1869.”
On February 3, 1966 Will Robinson wrote to Rev. Gruneich, “I had not
consulted the Word Carrier, but when I did I found that it also had disposed
of the date of the dedication of the Ascendion Church up north of
Summit. It was on December 13, 1874, and your church is unquestionably
the oldest church in the State still in such use.”
1969 Centennial Observance
On Friday, October 3, 1969 a special evening service was held to observe
the date of the 100th Anniversary of the organization of the First
Presbyterian Church. The service included Holy Communion and presentations
on the history of the church by Elder Grace Moore and Elder
R. Keith Wakeman. Rev. Solomon G. Gruneich, Pastor, conducted the
service with assistance from ministers of the Dakota Presbytery. Centennial
greetings were given by the Second Presbyterian Church, Dr.
Kenneth Neigh, General Secretary of the Board of National Missions,
and Rev. Burton Blair, Moderator of the Presbytery of Sioux Falls. All
attending were invited to a reception at the Second Presbyterian
Church Chapel.
1978 Fellowship Hall Dedicated
On October 8, 1978, at 10:30 a.m. a service was held in celebration of
the 109th Anniversary of the organization of the congregation and the
dedication of the new Fellowship Hall. The service was conducted by
Rev. Peter Vanderveen, Pastor, with the participation of Keith Wakeman,
Rev. Floyd Hemminger, Rev. Sidney Byrd, and Rev. Simon Look40.
ing Elk. Walter Jones, who acted as overseer during construction, presented
the keys to the new Hall, and Pastor Vanderveen accepted the
keys on behalf of the congregation.
The Fellowship Hall, a multi-purpose pole and steel type building, contains
a large room which can handle 150 to 200 people and a modern
kitchen to serve weddings, funerals, receptions, ladies aid, youth activities,
Dakota Presbytery, and other church functions. The building also
has two meeting rooms, two bathrooms, two furnaces and air conditions,
and storage space. After 109 years the new Hall was eagerly
awaited. One of the ladies whose father was among the first native
pastors, stated, “I am glad to see this dream become a reality.”
The Fellowship Hall was dedicated “in memory of all the former pastors
and members who gave of their time to further the ministry of this
church and to the glory of Almighty God, who has through his generous
gifts made our dream become a reality.”
In homage to the original members of the church, the multi-purpose
building was named “Wakpaipaksan Hall.” Following the service, a dinner
was held in the new Hall and it was open for viewing by guests from
2:30 to 5:30 p.m.
1989—1992 Restoration of River Bend Meeting House
By 1931, the first church built by the Dakota families and purchased by
the Government for a day school had been remodeled for use as a residence
at the Flandreau Indian School. Now known as “Building 59,” it
housed employees for the next fifty or sixty years until it deteriorated,
and finally was used as a spook house for the Indian School children on
Halloween.
When it was learned that Building 59 was to be demolished to make
way for a new trades building at the Indian School, a group of concerned
citizens representing the Flandreau Santee Sioux Tribe, the
First and Second Presbyterian Churches, and the Flandreau community
organized under the name “Historical Building Preservation Society” to
save the historic structure.
On approval of the Moody County Museum Board, the meeting house
was moved to the museum grounds in the fall of 1989, about six blocks
east of the original site. With the aid of early photographs of the building,
labor from carpenters and volunteers, including a church group
form Bonhomme Presbyterian Church of Chesterfield, Missouri, and
with financial donations from the Flandreau Santee Sioux Tribe and
individuals, the River Bend Meeting House was carefully reconstructed.
41
After nearly 125 years, the original school bell was again placed at the top
of the building. Through its exhibits, the River Bend Meeting House once
more serves the community as a place of learning.
2002—2003 Restoration of First Presbyterian Church
In early 2002, the members of the First Presbyterian received the news
that the church would be receiving a state grant to restore the building.
After meeting with the Governor, a wish list was formulated to decide
what should be restored or reconstructed to the 1873 appearance, and
what new innovations would be added. After discussion, it was decided
to include recessed lighting in the ceiling and kerosene lanterns on the
walls. A new furnace would include air conditioning, eliminating the need
for ceiling fans. It was hoped that the original wood floor painted maroon
could be used again, but plywood had been nailed over it. Removing the
plywood would be a tremendous heat loss, so maroon carpeting would be
installed.
Before demolition actually began, one of the walls was opened to see the
original materials. After a layer of paneling was removed, another layer of
pressed wood paneling was evident. Beneath the paneling there were 5
layers of wallpaper that had several coats of paint on them. When the
wallpaper was removed there was a layer of canvas that covered the last
layer of pine planking and wainscoting. When it became clear that the
interior walls would be pine planking and wainscoting, a contractor was
selected to begin work in the summer. Early photographs showed the
building exterior had white wood siding with brown trim.
State offices made arrangements with the Department of Corrections to
allow inmates in Sioux Falls to do the demolition work on the church. As
it turned out, the inmates worked so efficiently they were also used for the
construction work. Under the supervision of a foreman from the construction
company, they were eager to get to work each day. Additional
inmates in Sioux Falls stripped, repaired, and re-glazed the arched windows,
and stripped and repainted the pine pews.
After a layer of two inch stucco, and chicken wire, were removed from the
exterior, new cedar siding was applied. The old roof was entirely removed
and replaced. Three-dimensional shingles were selected to look
like the original wood shakes.
When it was learned that the bell tower was unsafe and needed to be
completely replaced, not repaired, it was necessary to seek additional
funding. The Flandreau Santee Sioux Tribe generously responded to
fund the unplanned expense. Victor Allen, a member of the tribe, sand42.
blasted and painted the bell before it was reinstalled in the new belfry.
A loud cheer was given by church members when the belfry was lifted
by a crane to complete the major construction work on the building.
First Presbyterian Church Restored 2002 -2003
At the end of December, 2002, a dinner was held in the unfinished
church. Members of the church session presented each inmate that
worked on the church with a colorful star quilt. The entire congregation,
and community members, thanked the men for a job well done.
Final touches added to the building included exterior decking, steps,
handicapped ramp, exterior lighting, and landscaping. A new sign cast
in bronze to commemorate the 1873 construction, and the 2003 restoration
completion, was installed.
The session selected Sunday, August 24, 2003 as the day of rededication
of the restored historical structure It would also be a celebration
of 130 years of worship in the building.
Restored Interior with
Original Pine Pews
2003
43
SOURCES
Exile, Reflection and Change
Mankato Weekly Record, April 25, 1863; Minnesota Pioneer, April 24,
1863.
Where the Waters Gather and the Rivers Meet, Paul Durand, Paul
Durand publisher, 1994.
“Camp McClellan during the Civil War,” A Paper Read before the
Contemporary Club, Davenport, Iowa, October 22, 1927, Seth J. Temple.
Iowa, In Times of War, Jacob A. Swisher, State Historical Society of
Iowa, Iowa City, 1943.
Letter to Rev. S. R. Riggs from John P. Williamson, May 9, 1863,
Camp McClellan, Davenport, Iowa, S. R. Riggs Papers, Minnesota Historical
Society.
“Camp McClellan and the Redskins,” Annals of Jackson County Iowa,
Jackson County Historical Society, Maquoketa, Iowa, May, 1907 – August,
1908, pp. 19-21.
John P. Williamson, a Brother to the Sioux, Winifred W. Barton, Sunnycrest
Publishing, Clements, MN, 1980.
A History of Minnesota, V. II, William Watts Folwell, Minnesota Historical
Society, St. Paul, MN, 1961 revised edition.
“The Removal from Minnesota of the Sioux and Winnebago Indians,”
William E. Lass, Minnesota History, Dec. 1963.
Letter to W. P. Dole, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, from Thomas S.
Williamson, Davenport, Iowa, July 25, 1863.
Letter to S. R. Riggs from Thomas S. Williamson, March 12, 1863,
Davenport, Iowa.
Tahkoo Wahkan; or, the Gospel among the Dakotas, Stephen R.
Riggs, A.M., Boston, Congregational Sabbath-School and Publishing
Society, 1869, pp. 420-421.
Letters to Rev. S. R. Riggs, 1863-1866, from Dakota Prisoners held at
Camp McClellan, Davenport, Iowa, S. R. Riggs Papers, Minnesota Historical
Society.
Pilgrim Church Organized
John P. Williamson, A Brother to the Sioux, Winifred Barton, Sunnycrest
Publishing, Clements, MN, 1980 reprint, pp. 109-111, 116.
“Personal Memorandum, Rev. John P. Williamson, Late Missionary to
Dakota Indians,” compiled by Rev. Alfred N. Coe, Greenwood, SD, May
7, 1927, p. II.
“History of the Dakota Presbytery of the Presbyterian Church in the
44.
United States of America from its Organization to April 1890, by the
Committee, Rev. Moses N. Adams, Rev. John P. Williamson, Rev. John
B. Renville, by Order of Presbytery of Dakota, V. I, Goodwill, SD, 1892.
Tahkoo Wahkan; or, the Gospel among the Dakotas, Stephen R.
Riggs, A.M., Boston, Congregational Sabbath-School and Publishing
Society, 1869, pp. 420-421.
Mary and I, Forty Years with the Sioux, S. R. Riggs, Ross & Haines,
Inc., Minneapolis, MN, 1969 reprint of 1880 publication, p. 232.
Andreas’ History of the State of Nebraska: Knox County,
Explorations and Decisions
“Joseph Rogers Biographical Papers,” 1935, Moody County Historical
Museum, Flandreau, SD.
William A. Olmsted letter to A. N. Goodhue, Nov. 5, 1868, Fort Dakota,
Record Group 75, Records of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, Letters
Received, Dakota Superintendency, 1861 – 1880, Microfilm Roll 251,
National Archives.
“Among the Indians in Pioneer Times,” Ole Thompson, Norwegian
Pioneers History of Minnehaha County, South Dakota, from 1866 to
1896, Translated and Reprinted 1976 by Emily Brende Sittig and Clara
Brende Christenson, Sioux Falls, SD, p. 47.
Indian Office Reports, 1868, Northern Superintendency, pp. 228, 245-
249, Washington, D.C.
The Migration Begins
“Joseph Rogers Biographical Papers,” 1935, Moody County Historical
Museum, Flandreau, SD.
“My Grandparent’s Journey of Faith,” manuscript, Rev. Sidney H.
Byrd.
History of Dakota Territory, George W. Kingsbury, S. J. Clarke Publishing
Co., Chicago, IL, 1915, pp. 520, 580.
John P. Williamson, A Brother to the Sioux, p. 138-141
Mary and I, Forty Years with the Sioux, Stephen R. Riggs, Ross &
Haines, Inc., Minneapolis, 1969 reprint, pp. 267.
“History of Fort Dakota,” Donald Dean Parker, lecture manuscript, p.
16, D. D. Parker Papers, Center for Western Studies, Augustana College,
Sioux Falls, SD.
Returns from U. S. Military Posts, 1800-1916, Fort Dakota, SD, January
1866 – May 1869, Microfilm Roll No. 281, National Archives.
John P. Williamson, A Brother to the Sioux, p. 138-141
Returns from U. S. Military Posts, 1800-1916, Fort Dakota, SD, January
1866 – May 1869, Microfilm Roll No. 281, National Archives.
“Personal Memorandum, by Rev. John P. Williamson, Late Mission45
ary to Dakota Indians,” A. N. Coe, 1927, South Dakota Historical Society,
Pierre, SD.
Wakpaipaksan Church Organized
“Personal Memorandum, Rev. John P. Williamson, D.D., Late Missionary
to Dakota Indians,” by Alfred N. Coe, 1927, pp. 112-118, South
Dakota Historical Society.
Letter to Thomas S. Williamson from John P. Williamson, Yankton
Agency, D. T., October 26, 1869, Thomas S. Williamson Papers, Minnesota
Historical Society.
Letter to Gov. J. A. Burbank, D. T. from John P. Williamson, Greenwood,
D. T., October 22, 1869, Microfilm Roll 766, M234, St. Peter's
Agency, 1869-1870; Correspondence of the Office of Indian Affairs,
Letters Received, 1824-1881; Augustana College Library, Sioux Falls,
SD.
Letter to Rev. S. R. Riggs from John P. Williamson, Yankton Agency,
D. T., October 16, 1869, S. R. Riggs Collection, Minnesota Historical
Society.
John P. Williamson, A Brother to the Sioux, Winifred W. Barton, Sunnycrest
Publishing, Clements, MN, 1980 reprint.
Mary and I, Forty Years with the Sioux, Stephen R. Riggs, D.D.,
LL.D., Ross & Haines, Inc., Minneapolis, MN, 1969 reprint.
First verse of “Many and Great, O God, are Thy Works,” composed by
Joseph Renville between 1835 and 1842, English translation by Phillip
Frazier, Dakota Congregational Minister and grandson of Artemas Ehnamani,
1920.
Early Church Growth Continues
“Personal Memorandum, Rev. John P. Williamson.”
Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, 1870, Letter to Jonathan
A. Burbank, Superintendent of Indian Affairs from Thomas S. Williamson,
Missionary of A.B.C.F. M., July 30, 1870, Santee Agency, Nebraska.
Dakota Territory Census, June 27, 1870, Brookings and Minnehaha
Counties.
Death of Wicahincamaza
Iapi Oaye ‘Word Carrier,’ published at the Santee Normal Training
School in June of 1871, English translation from the Dakota by Rev.
Sidney Byrd, 2002.
River Bend Meeting House
“Tipiwakan Wakpaipaksan ‘River Bend Meeting House,’ A Brief History,”
compiled by William L. Beane, 1999.
46.
Church Constructed
John P. Williamson letter to E. P. Smith, Commissioner of Indian Affairs,
Sept. 1, 1873, Winona, MN, published in American Missionary, Oct. 1873,
Gutch Papers, Center for Western Studies, Augustana College, Sioux
Falls, SD.
John P. Williamson, A Brother to the Sioux, p. 185.
Iapi Oaye, Oct., 1973, p. 42.
Mary and I, Forty Years with the Sioux, S. R. Riggs, pp. 288-289.
John P. Williamson to E. P. Smith, Commissioner of Indian Affairs, Oct.
16, 1873, Correspondence of the Office of Indian Affairs, Letters Received,
1824-1881, Microfilm Roll 768, M234, Santee Sioux Agency,
1871-1876, Augustana College Library.
David Faribault to M. N. Adams, August 26, 1873, Flandreau, Dakota
Territory, Moses N. Adams Papers, Minnesota Historical Society.
Mission School
River Bend Meeting House
ca. 1890
Rev. Hosea Locke
with Students
PICTURE CREDITS
Permanent Residence, Dakota, Seth Eastman, 1846-1848, Afton Historical Press.
Condemned Dakota Prisoners, W. H. Childs, Frank Leslie’s Illustrated Newspaper,
Jan. 31, 1863.
Mississippi River steamboat Favorite at Winona, ca. 1861, Minnesota Historical Society.
Artemas Ehnamani ’Gallops Amongst Them,’ Mar. 1902, Washington, D.C., National
Anthropological Archives, Smithsonian Museum.
Group of Five Men with Rev. Hinman, 1867, Washington, D. C., National Anthropological
Archives, Smithsonian Museum.
Enlisted Men’s Quarters, Fort Dakota, National Archives, Washington, D.C.
Wakpaipaksan ’Bend in the River,’ 2002, William L. Beane, Flandreau, S.D.
Dakota Prairie View, 2002, William L. Beane.
Falls of the Big Sioux River, Sioux Falls, S.D., 2002, William L. Beane.
John Poage Williamson, 1835-1917, John P. Williamson Foundation, Huron, S.D.
Akipa, Will be Recognized by Old Indians, Flandreau, S.D. booklet.
Wakpaipaksan River View, 2002, William L. Beane.
River Bend Meeting House, ca. 1916, Moody County Historical Museum, Flandreau, S.D.
Dakota Men near Ration House, Moody County Historical Museum.
First Presbyterian Church, ca. 1906, Moody County Historical Museum.
Dakota Presbytery Meeting, First Presbyterian Church, William L. Beane collection.
First Presbyterian Church, Restoration Project 2002-2003, William L. Beane.
47
Missionaries Sent Out from the
First Presbyterian Church
Joseph Blacksmith Solomon Flute
William Flute Robert Hopkins
George Hillers Joseph Day
Daniel Weston Owen Lovejoy
Jessie Wakeman Steven Merien
Grace & Oliver Moore
Ministers Sent Out from the Church
William B. Rogers Joseph Graham
John Eastman Joseph Rogers
John Flute Samuel K. Weston
Samuel Rouillard John Wakeman
Peter Thompson Harry C. Jones
Cecil Corbett
48.
Register of Pastors
Name When Installed Dismissed
Joseph Graham Sept. 23, 1870 Apr. 8, 1871
Williamson Rogers June 23, 1871 Sept. 18, 1875
John Eastman Sept. 16, 1876 July 1, 1906
Lewis DeCoteau Dec. 13, 1908 Mar. 28, 1909
Samuel K. Weston May 9, 1909 Sept. 6, 1909
Samuel K. Weston Apr. 24, 1910 Sept. 27, 1914
John R. Wakeman June 1917 Sept. 1, 1918
Joseph Rogers Sept. 1918 Nov. 1, 1918
John Flute May 1, 1924 Mar. 31, 1925
Albert Heminger July 1928 Sept. 1933
Amos Oneroad May 1934 Oct. 1934
Simon Kirk Oct. 1934 June 1935
Harry C. Jones Oct. 1935 Apr. 1947
John Frenier July 1947 Apr. 17, 1948
Abraham Crawford Oct. 1948 Apr. 1952
H. B. Phillips May 25, 1953 Nov. 30, 1956
Steve Spider Nov. 30, 1956 Sept. 1959
Howard Orcutt Oct. 1, 1959 1960
Cecil Corbett Aug. 21, 1961 Sept. 1963
Solomon G. Gruneich Jan. 5, 1964 Sept. 1, 1972
Peter Vanderveen Nov. 20, 1973 Sept. 15, 1981
Irving Tang Oct. 9, 1981 July 26, 1982
Sidney Byrd Sept. 16, 1982 May 15, 1984
Herbert Crawford May 15, 1984 Jan. 1, 1988
Everett Harrison &
Irving Tang Nov. 20, 1988 Jan. 15, 1989
Danelle Crawford &
Irving Tang May 27, 1989
Ron McKinney Aug. 18, 2002
During the 1990’s, without an installed Pastor,
the pulpit was filled by the following Ministers
and Elder:
Al Kitto Clifford Canku Mike Simon
Danelle McKinney Pearl Wakeman Sidney Byrd
Paula Armstrong, Everett Harrison Ron McKinney
Elder

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